Ethno-racial Power and Social Power in American Society

The creation of the United States of America isthat 'while ''race'' distinctions and prejudice exist in
the greatest of all human adventures. No otherSpanish America, they do not, nor ever have
national story has such tremendous lessons, forthey, taken the form of institutionalized
the American people and for the rest of mankind.discrimination as in the United States' (Kanellos,
Academic historians in particular often impose a1998, 178). One gathers from the distinction
double straitjacket on U.S. history: first, thatherein proclaimed a marked interest in stressing
economic issues have been paramount in shapingthe exceptionality of Hispanic racial thought. But,
American politics; and second, that governmenthowever, meaningful we may find the distinction
intervention in the American economy has beenfor inquiries into the epistemology of racial
necessary and benign. The creation of the Unitedclassifications (Silvio Torres-Saillant, 2003, 123-151).
States of America is the greatest of all humanBy the same token, the New York-based Puerto
adventures. No other national story has suchRican leadership that launched the Young Lords
tremendous lessons, for the American people andParty constructed Latino subjectivity based on a
for the rest of mankind (Paul Johnson). These 2very deep sense of self-differentiation with
significant subjects have remarkable effect onrespect to American society's dominant white
ethno-racial classifications in American history.core (Silvio Torres-Saillant, 2003, 123-151).
Discourse formation is very important in socialPart of the impasse exhibited by the current
sciences and social practices.conversations on ethno-racial identity has to do
After Columbus entrance to new world, awith the difficulty of harmonizing the often
discourse was shaped that Europeans are better,fractious rapport between the concepts of race
civilized, and cultured than Indians. This discourseand ethnicity. Already 'a great deal of scholarly
remains today, and it is a tool for intervention andattention has gone into studying both race and
political goals. When race loosed its influence, wasethnicity,' but, as Manning Marable contends, 'too
added other attribute, ethnicity. As a 'hybridoften the discussion has been mired in old debates
category' that entered 'the ethno-racial imaginationand definitions,' which leads him to recommend 'a
of American social life' just over a quarter of anew and critical study of the relationship between
century ago, the classification 'Hispanic' remains asrace and ethnicity' (Marable, 2000).
pliable as the very texture of race has proven toSociologists have long focused on white ethnic
be (Goldberg, 1997: 64). Thus, in the currentidentity; considerations of white racial identity are
discursive atmosphere surrounding the debate onmore recent. White racial identity is commonly
race and ethnicity no existing knowledge or truthportrayed as a default racial category, an invisible
claim commands such authority that it canyet privileged identity formed by centuries of
categorically prohibit the proposal of a fusion ofoppression of nonwhite groups. Whiteness has
race and ethnicity as units of analysis. Forbecome synonymous with privilege in much
instance, Latinos cannot escape thescholarly writing, although recent empirical work
preponderance of race in the United States. Thestrives to consider white racial identity as a
history of the discourse on Americanness andcomplex, situated identity rather than a monolithic
national belonging consists largely of episodesone. The study of white racial identity can greatly
featuring the dominant white core racializingbenefit from moving away from simply naming
marginal groups and the latter responding in variedwhiteness as an overlooked, privileged identity and
ways (Silvio Torres-Saillant, 2003, 123-151).by paying closer attention to empirical studies of
The 1790 Naturalization Act restricted citizenshipracial and ethnic identity by those studying social
to white landowning males. When they ceased tomovements, ethnic identity, and social psychology
be property, blacks became a problem in the(Monica McDermott and Frank L. Samson, 2005,
United States. Public policy condemned the vast245-261).
majority of blacks to generations of poverty andAlthough the main story to tell about white ethnic
excluded them from 'the industrial activity takingidentity during the past 30 years has been its
place in the rapidly growing cities of the North anddeclining distinctiveness and importance, there are
West in the aftermath of the Civil War,' evennonetheless some counter-examples, primarily
while European immigrants found here a land offrom small, relatively isolated communities of
opportunity (Steinberg, 1981, 198). For therecent European and Middle Eastern immigrants to
so-called persons of color, to speak about race inthe United States. Arab Americans are an
the United States has meant necessarily to locateespecially interesting example, as they are
oneself in relation to normative whiteness (Silvioofficially considered white by the U.S. Census yet
Torres-Saillant, 2003, 123-151).often have stronger identification with their
Communities of color in the United States havecountries of origin than with a white racial identity
fought to attain full citizenship, and we cannot(Monica McDermott and Frank L. Samson, 2005,
belittle the fruits that their effort has yielded.245-261).
Lynchings and Jim Crow prohibitions no longerConclusion
figure in the menu of sorrows that blacks in thisToday, with the death sentence that the scholarly
country have to endure. The overall society nocommunity has pronounced on the concept of
longer condones public aggression against minorityrace, the widespread interrogation of the idea of
groups to the degree that it did forty years agonation as a stable arena within which to configure
(Silvio Torres-Saillant, 2003, 123-151).one's identity, and the general awareness of the
Racial minority groups prove their ability andfragility of ethno-racial ontology in light of the
power in social, sports, and artistic opportunities.disruptive impact of hybridizing crossings, we have
Native Americans, for instance, have had tolittle justification for hoping that a sustained
contend with suffering questions stemming fromexploration of the relation between race and
the legitimacy of mixed-bloods or cross-bloods inethnicity will break new productive ground. The
matters of cultural and communal belonging.time may have come for us to desist from the
Native Americans have occasionally had to dealeffort to distinguish between the two and to
with issues of blood quanta to establishaccept their conceptual fusion. Using race and
reservation membership eligibility.ethnicity synonymously may lead us out of the
African-Americans have made the political gainsepistemological and political impasse.
they currently possess because of a racialWhile we may agree that some basic differences
self-assertion that galvanizes the community,exist 'between the way that nonwhites view race
lending them a sense of wholeness. Their senseand the way that race is viewed overall in the
of a common history and a shared destiny oftenUnited States,' we might fail to detect any
extends to black immigrants whose ancestorssalutary implications in the claim that the
experienced their slavery past elsewhere (Silvioconstruction of race in American country 'has
Torres-Saillant, 2003, 123-151). For example, Ibeen more fluid, transcending 'the binary division
could recall for a moment the big night of 29adopted in the United States. Racial paradigms in
February 1940, when the Academy Award to theAmerica, we are told, follow a continuum with no
Best Supporting Actress for the role of Mammyfixed demarcation between categories, and US
in Gone with the Wind went to Hattie McDaniel,ethno-racial groups, coming from a culturally and
making her the first black person ever to win angenerally mixed racial background, had to enter "a
Oscar (Silvio Torres-Saillant, 2003, 123-151).biologically based biracial structure" that featured
Formulations of community's ethno-racial identityEuropean Americans at one end of the polar and
by Latino spokespersons often boast a superiorAfrican Americans at the other, with Native
understanding of the complexity of racialAmericans and Asian Americans occupying
codification, stressing the extent to which our"ambiguous gray positions vis-à-vis the
historical experience challenges the black-whitedichotomy" (Rodrı´guez, 1994:
binary that has informed thinking on race matters131-132).
in the United States. Latino scholars often claim